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Next Labour? Changes in British Union-Labour Party Relations since the Election of Tony Blair

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Abstract

The British Labour Party’s embrace of neoliberal policies through the government of Tony Blair was principally the result of a shift to a more passive approach to union–party relations on the part of organized labour. The labor movement’s defensiveness created the opening through which Blair and his colleagues moved to establish a close relationship with business, bringing the Party into a “neoliberal power network,” actively contributing to the reproduction of neoliberal hegemony. This passivity continued under Gordon Brown and Ed Miliband, exemplified by the unions’ endorsement of the Collins Review, thus effectively block-voting for the Labour Party to “distance itself” from them. Yet Jeremy Corbyn, who defied expectations and led Labour to sweeping victories in the recent British general election, has a quite different relationship with the unions. This paper will provide details and determine if the unions’ political and industrial strategies have substantially changed now that a clearly pro-labor MP leads the Labour Party.

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Notes

  1. Gøsta Esping-Andersen, “After the Golden Age?” Gøsta Esping-Andersen, ed. Welfare States in Transition: National Adaptations in Global Economies (London: Sage Publications, 1998), pp. 2–3.

  2. Paul Anderson and Nyta Mann, Safety First: The Making of New Labour (London: Granta Books, 1997), pp. 183–4.

  3. Sara C. Motta and David J. Bailey, “Neither pragmatic adaptation nor misguided accommodation: Modernisation as domination in the Chilean and British Left,” Capital & Class No. 92 (Summer 2007): 118–9; Peter Kennedy, “Labourism and Social Democracy Post-1945,” Critique No. 35 (Apr. 2004): 94.

  4. Labour Party, “Labour’s Business Manifesto: Equipping Britain for the Future,” in Andrew Chadwick and Richard Hefferman, eds., The New Labour Reader (Cambridge: Polity, 2003), p. 100.

  5. David Coates, Prolonged Labour: The Slow Birth of the New Labour Nation (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2005), p. 28.

  6. Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, The End of Parliamentary Socialism: From New Left to New Labour, 2nd Edition (New York: Verso, 2001), p. 274.

  7. Panitch and Leys, p. 283.

  8. Gerassimos Moschonas, In the Name of Social Democracy: The Great Transformation, 1945 to the Present (London: Verso, 2002), p. 184.

  9. “Blair appears far more comfortable around business executives than trade unionists, and he has recruited large numbers of industrialists to his government; getting off a corporate jet which had shuttled him to the TUC Congress in 1995, he reputedly told his hosts: ‘I’d much rather carry on talking to you than to this lot.’” Chris Howell, “From New Labour to No Labour? The Industrial Relations Project of the Blair Government,” New Political Science Vol. 22 No. 2 (2000): 209.

  10. Coates, p. 86.

  11. Panitch and Leys, p. 254.

  12. Coates, p. 87.

  13. Greg Patmore and David Coates, “Labour Parties and the State in Australia and the UK,” Labour History No. 88 (May 2005): 135.

  14. John Palmer, “New Labor Faces New Left Challenge,” New Politics Vol. 7 No. 4 (Summer 1998): 34–5.

  15. David Osler, “After New Labour,” Weekly Worker 449 (September 26, 2002), <http://weeklyworker.co.uk/-worker/449/after-new-labour/>.

  16. Lucy Ward and Steven Morris, “Device that keeps ministers at arm’s length from their money,” The Guardian (9 December 2002), <http://politics.guardian.co.uk/cherie/story/0,857,371,00.html>. It was later revealed that Blair attempted to conceal millions of pounds of financial aid from multi-millionaire supporters who were subsequently nominated for peerages. For details on the secret long-term strategy by New Labour to lure and reward major party donors, see Andrew Alderson and Melissa Kite, ‘Revealed: birth of plot to sell access to Blair’, Sunday Telegraph (22 April 2007), <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2007/04/22/nhons22.xml>.

  17. Panitch and Leys, p. 282.

  18. Stewart Wood, “Labour Market Regimes Under Threat? Sources of Continuity in Germany, Britain, and Sweden,” Paul Pierson, ed., The New Politics of the Welfare State (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 395.

  19. Martin Thomas, “The Crisis of British Socialism,” New Politics Vol. 5 No.4 (Winter 1996): 116.

  20. Thomas: 117–8.

  21. Coates, p. 82.

  22. Patmore and Coates: 134.

  23. Sheila Cohen, Ramparts of Resistance: Why Workers Lost Their Power and How To Get It Back (London: Pluto Press, 2007), p. 127.

  24. Liz Davies, “The Fraud of ‘New Labor’,” New Politics Vol. 8 No. 2 (Winter 2001): 157. Davies was at this time on the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party.

  25. Susan Watkins, “A Weightless Hegemony: New Labour’s Role in the Neoliberal Order,” New Left Review 25 (Jan.-Feb. 2004): 32.

  26. Coates, p. 92.

  27. James E. Cronin, New Labour’s Pasts: The Labour Party and its Discontents (London: Pearson Education Limited, 2004), p. 437.

  28. Ibid; Coates, pp. 92–3; Rebecca Smithers, “London teachers’ strike call enrages minister,” The Guardian (March 6, 2002), <http://education.guardian.co.uk/schools/story/0,662,602,00.htm>; Kevin Maguire, “The Guardian profile: Bob Crow,” The Guardian (July 2, 2004), <http://www.guardian.co.uk/guardianpolitics/story/-0,3605,1,252,026,00.html>.

  29. Cronin, pp. 434–5; Coates, pp. 93–4.

  30. Cronin, p. 438; Kevin Maguire, “Blair lashes left as he calls for partnership,” The Guardian (September 11, 2002), <http://society.guardian.co.uk/ppp/story/0,800,412,00.html>.

  31. Coates, p. 94.

  32. Cronin, op. cit.; Coates, pp. 94–5. However, the RMT also affiliated to the Labour Representation Committee, the internal Labour group established by a number of left-wing MPs. Gregor Gall (2004), “The End of an Enduring Alliance? Trade Union-Labour Party Relations,” <http://www.word-power.co.uk/view-Platform.php?id=45>.

  33. “Current rules require unions to ask members every 10 years whether they want to contribute to a political fund. The unions then take money from the political fund and distribute it as they wish. The arrangement enables union leaders to wield considerable financial clout—and political pressure. But MPs believe [Blair] will [support] ‘individualisation’, where each union member opts in or out of contributing to political parties.” Will Woodward, “Blair supports plan to weaken unions’ grip on party, MPs told,” The Guardian (12 December 2006), <http://politics.guardian.co.uk/unions/story/0,1,970,176,00.html>.

  34. Coates, p. 90.

  35. David Osler, Labour Party PLC: New Labour as a Party of Business (London: Mainstream Publishing, 2002a, b), p. 224; Panitch and Leys, p. 283.

  36. Coates, p. 95.

  37. Cronin, p. 438.

  38. Cronin., p. 467.

  39. Watkins: 32.

  40. Cronin, p. 471.

  41. Watkins: 32.

  42. Cronin, p. 473.

  43. Coates, p. 95; Gall, “The End of an Enduring Alliance?”

  44. John McDonnell MP (2006), ‘Time for a New Trade Union Bill’, <http://www.john4leader.org.uk/2006/09/-time-for-trade-union-freedom-bill.html>.

  45. Stan Crooke, ‘McDonnell’s lack of support poses questions for unions’, Scottish Socialist Voice No. 308 (May 25, 2007a, b), p. 8.

  46. Stan Crooke, “Cruddas support disgrace,” Scottish Socialist Voice No. 308, p. 8. Cruddas claims that “Over time... the gradual reform of the party has consolidated a federal proportionality between members, unions and elected representatives of roughly a third each, originally enshrined in the electoral college still used to elect the party’s leader and their deputy. This should now be reflected across the NEC, the NPF and conference. In the latter case, this would mean the unions’ share of the vote being reduced, and the arrival of a new third force that would—among other effects—increase links between the party at large and its representatives in national and local government, and thereby increase the sense that conference meets partly in the context of wider electoral developments.” Jon Cruddas and John Harris, Fit for Purpose: A Programme for Labour Party Renewal (Compass, 2006), p. 16. Yet “[t]he aim, according to union insiders, is to get a left-leaning MP into the cabinet to articulate the union agenda in a way that was not possible under Mr. Blair.” Christopher Adams, “Unions expecting gains from party leadership contest,” Financial Times (May 14, 2007), <http://www.ft.com/cms/s/e26b9856-01b6-11dc-8b8c-000b5df-10621.html>.

  47. Ben Davies, “Union’s election warning to Brown,” BBC News (May 17, 2006), <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/-uk_news/politics/4986118.stm>.

  48. The warning was delivered by Mark Serwotka, general secretary of the PCSU. David Hencke and John Carvel, “Public sector unions warn Brown over summer of discontent,” The Guardian (May 17, 2007), <http://society.guardian.co.uk/futureforpublicservices/story/0,2,081,562,00.html>.

  49. This is a paraphrase of a statement by Dave Prentis, the leader of UNISON: “We will work with Gordon Brown to rebuild public confidence in our public services to usher in a new era that will see the restoration of real Labour values. . . . If he’s up for it—he can just say the word . . . if he’s not, our fight will continue until we get real change until we have public and health services we can all be proud of.” Yet “Mr Prentis insisted that he that he did not want to be seen as making an oppositionist speech.” David Hencke, “Change direction or lose election, Brown warned,” The Guardian (June 19, 2007), <http://society.guardian.co.uk/futureforpublicservices/story/-0,2,106,630,00.html>.

  50. Gall, “The End of an Enduring Alliance?”

  51. Jean Eaglesham and Andrew Taylor, “Brown Wins Support to Reduce Union Influence,” Financial Times (September 29, 2007), <http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/9c416ebe-6642-11dc-9fbb-0000779fd2ac,dwp_uuid = −ce240942-6a88-11 dc-9410-0000779fd2ac.html>.

  52. Marie Woolf, “Labour ‘Bankrupted’ by Secret Loans,” The Independent (February 4, 2007).

  53. “He has pledged a number of commitments aimed at easing economic pressures on struggling families: freezing energy bills, breaking up the banks, building a million new homes, banning zero-hours contracts and increasing the minimum wage.” Observer editorial, ‘The Observer view on Ed Miliband and his leadership of the Labour party’, The Observer (November 8, 2014), <http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/09/observer-view-on-ed-miliband-and-his-leadership-of-labour-party?CMP=share_btn_tw>.

  54. Ray Collins, Building a One Nation Labour Party: The Collins Review into Labour Party Reform (London: Labour Party, 2014).

  55. Patrick Wintour, “Labour Review Proposes Cap on Union Spending in Parliamentary Selections,” The Guardian (February 3, 2014), <http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2014/feb/03/labour-unions-collins-review>. The timetable given for the transition from “opt-out” to “opt-in” for the unions was five years, considerably after the 2015 general election.

  56. Charles Gradnitzer, “Labour: Unions Vote to be Distanced,” Weekly Worker (March 6, 2014), <http://weekly-worker.co.uk/worker/1000/labour-unions-vote-to-be-distanced/>.

  57. Ed Balls MP (2014), “Speech to Labour Party Annual Conference 2013,” LabourPress, <http://press.labour.org.uk/-post/62052732090/ed-balls-mps-speech-to-labour-party-annual-conference>. Balls was Miliband’s Labour’s Shadow Chancellor. Miliband himself made clear that the next Labour government would not attempt to reverse spending cuts scheduled by the then-current Conservative–Liberal Democratic coalition government for 2015–16.

  58. As to the electoral process through which Corbyn was able to become Labour leader:

    “Labour’s right wing had in 2014 changed the rules for Labour leader elections to make them simple one-person-one-vote operations among Labour’s members and ‘registered supporters’. The right-wingers did that because, as they peered out at the populace through the opaque windows of the world of parliament, lobbyists, the media, think-tanks, and PR, the only world many of them had known in adult life, it looked to them as if New Labour babble commanded wide support which would help them outflank labour-movement activists. They were wrong.” Martin Thomas, “Unfinished Corbynism,” Workers’ Liberty (September 22, 2017a, b, <http://www.workersliberty.org/-story/2017-09-22/unfinished-corbynism>.

    It should be noted that “some unions waited until the final day to present their voter applications.” “Labour leadership: Huge increase in party’s electorate,” BBC News (August 12, 2015), <http://www.bbc.com/-news/uk-politics-33892407>. In the case of the RMT, endorsement of Corbyn led to “Cabbies for Corbyn” to build support for a Labour vot, and highlight the deregulatory practises of the Conservatives towards the taxi trade. Lewis Norton, “‘Cabbies for Corbyn’ launched to fight for a Labour victory,” The Clarion (March 4, 2017), <https://theclarionmag.org/2017/05/04/cabbies/>. Norton is Secretary of the RMT London Taxis branch.

  59. Richard Seymour, Corbyn: The Strange Rebirth of Radical Politics (London: Verso Books, 2016), p. 27. Seymour notes that “unions for most of the twentieth century provided the party leadership with a reliable ally, and ensured the unshakeable dominance of the Right and centre over the party machinery.” Ibid., p. 146.

  60. Ibid., p. 28. One should stress that “Most union initiatives are co-ordinated by a ‘big four’ of general secretaries: Unite’s Len McCluskey, the GMB’s Tim Roache, Dave Ward of the Communication Workers Union (CWU) and Unison’s [Dave] Prentis. Corbyn has fractured their unity. Roache and the GMB, which sat out the 2015 leadership contest, plumped for Owen Smith last year after a survey of its members found that most of them wanted a change at the top. I understand that this quartet, who speak for 3.5 million workers, haven’t convened recently, though they still speak regularly.” Kevin Maguire, “Powers behind the throne: how the unions control Corbyn’s fate,” New Statesman (April 3, 2017), <https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk/2017/04/powers-behind-throne-how-unions-control-corbyn-s-fate>.

  61. Seymour, p. 54. “Jeremy Corbyn has pledged to legislate for security at work for everyone. This centres on banning zero hours contracts, extending workers’ rights, mandatory collective bargaining for larger companies, and making it easier for trade unions to organise.” EM Johns, “Fighting for security at work,” The Clarion (April 11, 2017), <https://theclarionmag.org/2017/04/11/workerssecurity/>.

  62. Jim Pickard and Sarah O’Connor, “Rise of Jeremy Corbyn puts UK trade unions back in limelight,” Financial Times (September 9, 2017), <https://www.ft.com/content/01cfa9c8-93e0-11e7-a9e6-11d2f0ebb7f0>.

  63. Martin Thomas, “Ways out of Labour’s crisis: the living must seize the dead!,” The Clarion (March 10, 2017a, b), <https://theclarionmag.org/2017/03/10/seize/>.

  64. Matt Wrack, ‘A class movement to change society’, The Clarion (June 29, 2017), <https://theclarionmag.org/-2017/06/29/wrack2/>. Sacha Ismail points out that repealing the Trade Union Act, introduced during the Thatcher years, would still leave the majority of British anti-union/anti-strike laws in place, and suspects this omission ‘is the work of the leaders of the big unions, who have no desire to make it easier for workers to strike with less reference to them’. Sacha Ismail, ‘Labour’s manifesto: Corbyn finds his voice’, The Clarion (May 22, Wrack, 2017), <https://theclarionmag.org/2017/05/22/corbynsvoice/>.

  65. Maguire, op. cit.

  66. Hugo Dixon, “The unions are sounding the alarm over Brexit. Why isn’t Jeremy Corbyn?” The Guardian (December 17, Dixon, 2017), < https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/dec/13/unions-brexit-jeremy-corbyn-labour>. The official current Labour position is that a second Brexit referendum is “on the table” if Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May does not secure a Brexit deal with the European Union that is backed by Parliament and there no general election occurs as a result.

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  1. Department of Political Science, Lehman College, City University of New York, 250 Bedford Park Boulevard West, Bronx, NY, 10468-1589, USA

    Jason Schulman

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Dr. Jason Schulman is Adjunct Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Lehman College, City University of New York (CUNY). He is the editor of Rosa Luxemburg: Her Life and Legacy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) and author of Neoliberal Labour Governments and the Union Response: The Politics of the End of Labourism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).

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Schulman, J. Next Labour? Changes in British Union-Labour Party Relations since the Election of Tony Blair. Employ Respons Rights J 31, 115–130 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10672-019-09331-0

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