Abstract
Danish foreign policy is characterized by a strong and diversified military engagement. From 1990 to 2018, Danish political decision-makers committed Danish troops to 76 military operations in Europe, Asia, the Middle East and Africa compared to 13 operations during the Cold War from 1945 to 1989. In the essay, we argue that Denmark’s military activism since the end of the Cold War has combined shelter seeking with status seeking to the extent that the two now exist in symbiosis. Shelter seeking is conditioned upon status seeking, and status seeking is an instrument for shelter seeking. Thus, the essay offers lessons for small states in both practice and theory.
We would like to thank Clara Lyngholm Mortensen and Daniela Dominguez for research assistance.
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Notes
- 1.
Ringsmose and Rynning (2008), pp. 55–84.
- 2.
- 3.
Jakobsen and Rynning (2019), pp. 877–895.
- 4.
Pedersen and Ringsmose (2017), pp. 339–357.
- 5.
- 6.
Jesse and Dreyer (2016).
- 7.
Wivel (2018), pp. 419–434.
- 8.
Wivel et al. (2014), pp. 3–25.
- 9.
Thorhallsson and Steinsson (2017).
- 10.
Waltz (1979), p. 127.
- 11.
- 12.
Wivel et al. (2014), pp. 3–25.
- 13.
- 14.
Maass (2017).
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
Larson et al. (2014), pp. 18–19.
- 18.
Larson et al. (2014), p. 7.
- 19.
de Carvalho and Neumann (2015), p. 1.
- 20.
Ibid, 1–2.
- 21.
For an analysis of the arguments of Danish policy-makers in relation to participation in the wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Kosovo, see Wivel (2019), pp. 363–539. For a recent official statement of the continued importance of the United States for Danish National Security, see the official Danish foreign and security policy strategy: Danish Government (2018).
- 22.
E.g. Jakobsen et al. (2018), pp. 256–277.
- 23.
Glenthøj (2018), pp. 566–598.
- 24.
Rasmussen (2005), pp. 67–89.
- 25.
Wivel and Crandall (2019), p. 399.
- 26.
Petersen (2011), pp. 276–280.
- 27.
Mortensen and Wivel (2019).
- 28.
- 29.
Hækkerup (1965).
- 30.
The other cornerstones were NATO (security and defense), EFTA/EC (trade and economic growth) and the Nordic Council of Ministers (identity politics).
- 31.
Marcussen (2018), pp. 240–253.
- 32.
SIPRI, SIPRI Military Expenditure Database: Data for all countries 1949–2017 (excel spreadsheet). https://www.7.org/databases/milex, accessed 16 January 2019.
- 33.
With the notable exception of Greenland, which was used as a bargaining chip in Denmark’s relationship with the United States.
- 34.
Due-Nielsen and Petersen (1995), pp. 11–54.
- 35.
Jakobsen (2006), pp. 381–395.
- 36.
Noreen (1983), pp. 43–56.
- 37.
Mouritzen (2001), p. 298.
- 38.
Wæver (1992), pp. 77–102.
- 39.
Holm (2002), pp. 21, 22–23.
- 40.
Wivel (2019), pp. 382–383.
- 41.
Mariager and Wivel (2019), pp. 172–177.
- 42.
Mortensen and Wivel (2019), p. 551.
- 43.
Wivel (2019), pp. 454–459.
- 44.
Rasmussen (2017), pp. 51–73.
- 45.
Danish Ministry of Defence 2018, Aftale på forsvarsområdet 2018–2023, 28 January 2018. http://www.fmn.dk/temaer/forsvarsforlig/Documents/Forsvarsforlig-2018-2023.pdf, accessed 14 March 2019.
- 46.
Jakobsen (2015), pp. 5–13.
- 47.
Mariager and Wivel (2019), p. 22.
- 48.
Cf. Breitenbauch (2015), p. 28.
- 49.
- 50.
Jakobsen et al. (2018).
- 51.
Wivel (2019), pp. 330–333.
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Mariager, R., Wivel, A. (2021). From Nordic Peacekeeper to NATO Peacemaker: Denmark’s Journey from Semi-neutral to Super Ally. In: Brady, AM., Thorhallsson, B. (eds) Small States and the New Security Environment. The World of Small States, vol 7. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51529-4_8
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