Abstract
This chapter begins to tell the national story of the U.S.-Mexico border in the 2010s, in which the Rio Grande Valley of south Texas is emblematic. The chapter argues that the national media and political actors discursively treat the Rio Grande Valley most often as an internal colony, effectively rebordering the Valley as the Global South. National renderings of the southern border draw from a deep history of place-making rhetorical techniques to characterize the southern border in need of external intervention and control. The chapter’s analysis is placed within research in border rhetorics, bordering, and place-making. Secondary data on unauthorized immigration and asylum seekers as well as public corruption challenge framing assumptions and generalizations. The media and political treatment of the Valley in the 2010s continues a long history of using “the border” as a rhetorical pawn that set the stage for the rise of Donald Trump and his political platform.
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Notes
- 1.
Some of the early, most significant works were in postcolonial and decolonial theory (Anzaldua, 1987; Bhabha, 1994; Boone & Mignolo, 1994; Rosaldo, 1993; Said, 1978; Spivak, 1988), though it now has many theoretical articulations in multiple disciplines from literature to architecture to women’s studies.
- 2.
It is not uncommon to hear Texans say that “Texas starts at San Antonio” and “everything south of San Antonio is Mexico.” It is even more common for people across the state to say “the Valley is Mexico.”
- 3.
- 4.
An important note about terminology: There was swirling debate in 2018 whether Central Americans crossing the border into the United States were refugees or unauthorized immigrants. Since the early 2010s, Central Americans are more likely to claim asylum when they cross into the United States. The term refugee is a state-recognized term that affords international legal protection, whereas asylum seeker applies to anyone who claims asylum upon entry and is awaiting determination of refugee status. Public opinion can influence whether the state recognizes certain categories of people as refugees, so use of the term prior to state designation also occurs. In essence, there is not one umbrella term than can capture all reasons, possible legal statuses, and perspectives for people who leave their home country and move to a new country. The term immigrant is ambiguous to the point that it elides or complicates humanitarian, legal, and political aspects of moving to a new country. More often than not, adjectives are placed in front of immigrant to differentiate. For example, unauthorized, undocumented, or illegal immigrants refer to people without official permission to enter or remain in a country and do not claim asylum; they have few legal protections. Each of these three adjectives is used in specific immigration rhetoric attached to certain political platforms and policies, and they are used differently by immigrants themselves (Merolla, Ramakrishnan, & Haynes, 2013). The term illegal immigrant is no longer an academic convention, as it implies criminality. In academic circles, migrant is preferred over immigrant as a general term (Castañeda, 2018; De Genova, 2002). Finally, there is often not a distinction between migrant and immigrant in popular usage, though some use migrant to indicate movement for work or education or to indicate some kind of temporality, such as seasonal movement for work. Because of the political stakes for migrants and politicians, terms applied to people who move from one country to another are often points of serious contention that have critical legal implications.
- 5.
This number is disputed by financial analysts who work for public school districts in the Rio Grande Valley. According to a number of education leaders in the Valley, it is approximately half that figure.
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Fleuriet, K.J. (2021). The Valley as the Border, the Border as a Dangerous, Faraway Place. In: Rhetoric and Reality on the U.S.—Mexico Border. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63557-2_4
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